Originally posted at Truthout, authored by Jeffrey Kaye and Jason Leopold
The Defense Department has claimed  it took the unprecedented step of forcing all "war on terror" detainees  sent to Guantanamo in 2002 to take a high dosage of a controversial  anti-malarial drug known to have severe side effects because the  government was concerned the disease could be reintroduced into Cuba by  detainees arriving from malaria-endemic countries Afghanistan and  Pakistan.
But hundreds of contractors who were hired by Kellogg  Brown & Root (KBR), at the time a subsidiary of Halliburton, the  oil services firm formerly headed by Dick Cheney, from malaria-endemic  countries such as the Philippines and India and tasked with building  Guantanamo's Camp Delta facility in early 2002 did not receive the same  type of medical treatment, calling into question the government's  rationale of mass presumptive treatment of detainees with the drug  mefloquine, a Truthout investigation has found.
India and the Philippines have higher risk  profiles  of transmission of the deadly falciparum variant of malaria  than does  Afghanistan. In India in 2002, there were 1.86 million cases   of malaria, over 40 percent from the deadly falciparum strain, and  most  parts of the country are considered to have high transmission  rates of  the vivax form of the disease. Almost 1,000 people died of  malaria in  India in 2002.
In the Philippines, there is a great deal of   variability of risk depending on the region of the country, but 57 out   of 79 provinces are considered malaria-endemic. Confirmed cases of   malaria in the Philippines from 2002 to 2005 went from approximately   38,000 to over 50,000 cases per year.
Numerous peer-reviewed journal articles and public  health experts have linked mefloquine, also known by its brand name,  Lariam, with severe side effects, including vertigo, nausea, vomiting,  dizziness, anxiety, panic attacks, confusion, hallucinations, bizarre  dreams, sores and homicidal and suicidal thoughts. 
Indeed, a 2002 study  reported that upwards of 80 to more than 90 percent of all healthy  volunteers administered treatment doses of mefloquine suffered either  vertigo or nausea. According to the study conducted by Austrian  researchers, "Participants suffering from severe (grade 3) vertigo (73  percent) required bed rest and specific medication for 1 to 4 days."
A formal policy memo issued in February 2009 from  Army   Surgeon General Eric  Schoomaker removed mefloquine as a  "first-line"   agent, and changed the  policy so that mefloquine would  not be prescribed   to Army personnel  unless they had contraindications  to the preferred   drug, the  antibiotic doxycycline. Nor could  mefloquine be prescribed to   any personnel with a history of traumatic brain injury or mental illness. By September 2009, the policy was extended throughout the DoD.
Last December, Truthout published an investigative report  that, for the first time, revealed details of the government's  previously secret policy that called for all detainees sent to  Guantanamo to be given 1,250 milligrams - the treatment dosage - of  mefloquine, regardless if they had malaria or not and without regard for   their medical or psychological history, despite its   considerable  risk  of exacerbating pre-existing conditions. The 1,250 mg dosage is  five times higher than the prophylactic  dose   given to individuals to  prevent the disease.
Defense Department spokeswoman Maj. Tanya Bradsher  had told Truthout a "decision was made" to "presumptively treat each  arriving Guantanamo detainee for malaria to prevent the possibility of  having mosquito-borne [sic] spread from an infected individual to  uninfected individuals in the Guantanamo population, the guard force,  the population at the Naval base or the broader Cuban population."
Maj. Remington Nevin, an Army public health physician, who formerly worked at the Armed Forces Health Surveillance Center and has written extensively about  mefloquine, previously told Truthout the use of mefloquine "in this  manner ... is, at best, an egregious malpractice" and the "side effects  [from administering the drug in this manner] could be as severe as those  intended through the   application of 'enhanced interrogation  techniques.'"
Capt. Albert Shimkus, who was head of the Naval  Hospital at Guantanamo and the chief surgeon for Joint Task Force 160,  told Truthout the hundreds of contractors who arrived at Guantanamo in  March 2002 to construct prison camps were the medical responsibility of  the contracting agency, which was KBR.
Shimkus, who signed the Standard Operating Procedure  (SOP) in January 2002 authorizing the 1,250 mg dosage of mefloquine for  all Guantanamo detainees, said he was told by KBR personnel, during a  meeting around that time at separate medical facilities used by the firm  at the naval base, that contractors were taking malaria prophylaxis  drugs and would remain on such drugs while they remained on the island.
Shimkus said he could not recall what anti-malarial  drugs the contractors were taking, but he believed they were not given  treatment doses of mefloquine.
Chemical prophylaxis of malaria is not necessary in  areas where the disease is not endemic, except for a few weeks after  leaving a malaria-endemic area, according to tropical disease experts.
Gabriela Segura, a spokeswoman for KBR, told Truthout  that KBR provided "immunizations against diseases and harmful agents  endemic to each employee's destination in accordance with the  recommendations of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,  International SOS, and the World Health Organization."
However, Segura said KBR could not identify the anti-malarial drug administered to the corporation's contractors at Guantanamo.
Bradsher, the Defense Department spokeswoman,  referred all questions about the treatment of contractors to KBR,  stating that the firm is "responsible for its own contractors."
Shimkus said he never reviewed medical records or  other documents pertaining to KBR contractors to verify they were being  treated with anti-malarial medications, nor did he inquire about the  medical status of any of the workers brought to Guantanamo. Instead, he  said he relied on assurances from KBR.
"I was confident," Shimkus told Truthout, "that,  based on the information we were receiving from [KBR], that the malaria  situation was under control, and they understood the environment they  were coming into, and they were all using chemical prophylaxis."
Relying on the contracting agency is consistent with a  Defense Department document from Naval Facilities Engineering Command  (NAVFAC) entitled "Special Conditions for Guantanamo Bay Projects."
The October 2004 document,  which was issued while mefloquine treatment was still an active policy  at Guantanamo, states that contractors "shall screen prospective  employees with the objective to exclude those with admitted chronic  disorders from traveling to Guantanamo Bay."
It notes that contracting firms such as KBR shall  make "Every reasonable attempt ... to prevent personnel with chronic  disorders, which may require treatment, such as cardiovascular defects,  tuberculosis, mental health problems, and alcoholism, from being sent to  Guantanamo Bay."
While the NAVFAC document puts primary responsibility  for the health of contract workers onto the contracting agency, a KBR  statement provided to Truthout puts the onus for extraordinary health  measures on the Department of Defense.
As described by Segura, KBR's policy notes that it  looks "to the client to determine if any added health measures are  necessary for employees, contractors or subcontractors." According to  their policy, "Any guidance as to additional health procedures will then  be incorporated at the direction of the client."
According to a public health expert who previously  spoke to Truthout about the questionable practice of administering high  doses of mefloquine to detainees, the only anti-malarial drug that would  have eliminated the malaria parasite at infectious stages of its life  cycle was primaquine. That drug is only administered for two weeks, yet  Shimkus indicated that KBR contractors took anti-malarial drugs for the  entirety of their stay at Guantanamo, and that more than one drug was  used, depending on the worker's country of origin. It's not known if  foreign contract workers were given primaquine because Segura said KBR  was unable to locate any individuals at the corporation who would be in a  position to disclose the drugs the firm gave its contract employees.
Cuban Government Concerns 
In a second report Truthout published last December  on the use of mefloquine at Guantanamo, Shimkus said one of the reasons  the Pentagon took the extraordinary step of implementing a policy of  mass presumptive treatment was to address concerns raised by Cuban  government officials about the possibility of reintroducing malaria into  the country.
The benefits of mass empiric treatment of detainees, although unprecedented, "outweighed the risks," Shimkus said.
An emailed request for comment sent to the Washington, DC office of the Cuban Interests Section, an organization established in 1977 to foster dialogue between US and Cuban diplomats, was not returned.
A Hurried Hiring Process 
The hiring of low-wage contractors to work at Guantanamo was fraught with controversy. A report published in Asia Times in July 2006 stated that KBR's hiring process was kept "under wraps by both the US and Philippine governments."
Using a Philippine recruitment agency with ties to  KBR, Asia Times reported that the Philippines and the US agreed that  "all worker travel documents and recruitment requirements would be  expedited in just a few hours by US embassy officials."
"According to people familiar with the situation, the  Guantanamo-bound Filipino workers were allegedly slipped out of the  Ninoy Aquino International Airport without passing through standard  immigration procedures and left Manila onboard a chartered flight to  Cuba," Asia Times reported.
That story is backed up by a news report  published in August 2002 by Filipino-American journalist Rick Rocamora,  who interviewed one of the contract employees from the Philippines.  According to Rocamora's account, "the Philippine Overseas Employment  Administration [POEA] received a phone call from the US Embassy and the  Philippine Ambassador in Washington D.C. to expedite approval."
The approvals, which reportedly can take some months  to process, were rushed through within 24 hours and the workers  "transported on a chartered DC-10 Greece-registered Electra Airlines  direct to the US naval base in Guantanamo Bay with refueling stops in  Dubai, Greece, and Portugal."
Segura, the KBR spokeswoman, said, "As a matter of  practice, KBR provides medical mobilization physicals prior to employees  deploying to international projects."
The speed with which the contract workers were  recruited and sent to Guantanamo raises questions as to whether KBR,  POEA and its subcontractors had sufficient time to assess the newly  hired workers for malaria or other diseases. Neither POEA nor  Anglo-European Services, cited in reports by Rocamora and Asia Times as  the local recruitment agency for the workers in the Philippines,  returned requests for comment.
Lingering Questions 
Defense Department officials have claimed US  personnel stationed at Guantanamo were not given treatment or  prophylactic doses of mefloquine or any other anti-malarial medication  because their concerns about the disease rested solely on its  reintroduction into Cuba by foreign nationals and not on malaria of  Cuban origin.
However, the Defense Department's reasoning for  developing a policy of mass presumptive treatment for detainees, and  detainees only, using the drug mefloquine raises questions about other  possibilities as to why the drug was administered.
A report  by Seton Hall University School of Law's Center for Policy and Research  last December, issued at the same time Truthout published details of  its investigation, stated that treatment doses of mefloquine on all the  detainees, without an accepted medical rationale by any public health  official willing to publicly support the policy, could be attributed to a  medical experiment, "gross medical malpractice" or possibly one of  three other possibilities, any of which "would likely satisfy the legal  definition of torture as articulated by the Department of Justice in  2002."
Shimkus has vehemently denied that mefloquine was  used for any other purpose. He said the policy of mass presumptive  treatment was enacted following discussions he and other military  officials had with the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), the Navy  Environmental Health Center (NEHC) and the Armed Forces Medical  Intelligence Center (AFMIC) at Fort Detrick, Maryland, which is part of  the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). The human intelligence division  of DIA was one of the primary agencies involved in the interrogations of  the detainees.
Shimkus said he also answered to a medical chain of  command that ran through the United States Southern Command (SOUTHCOM),  indicating that senior Pentagon officials would have been knowledgeable  about the policy. He said he could not recall the name of the official  to whom he reported.
CDC has refused repeated requests for comment. A  spokesperson for the Navy and Marine Corps Public Health Center  (formerly NEHC) indicated no response was available for publication at  press time. Truthout's request for comment was being "coordinated  through the Navy's Bureau of Medicine and Surgery and may require  additional coordination and permission through the Chief of Naval  Information offices in Washington, DC."
A defense official who spoke to Truthout on  background said the role of AFMIC, now known as the National Center for  Medical Intelligence (NCMI), is to provide "infectious disease risk  assessments in support of US military and civilian force protection  measures. NCMI's function does not include prescribing treatment or  making treatment policies."
The defense official also noted the importance of  using anti-malaria drugs "where malaria risks are heightened." However,  he would not directly comment on what AFMIC told Guantanamo officials in  2002.
No comments:
Post a Comment